Moldavian, Romanian, Bessarabian. Moldavia is the Anglicized version of the Russian Moldavija and is not used by Moldovans. Many Moldovans consider themselves, their culture, and their language Romanian. Moldovans/Romanians in the region between the rivers Prut and Dniestr sometimes call themselves Bessarabians.
Identification. The principality of Moldova was founded around 1352 by the Transylvanian ruler ( voievod ) Dragoş in what today is the Romanian region of Bucovina. According to one legend, Dragoş successfully hunted a wild ox on the banks of the river Moldova and then chose to stay in the land, which he named after the river. The name "Moldova" probably derives from the German Mulde , "a deep river valley with high banks."
Location and Geography. The Republic of Moldova is a landlocked country between Romania and Ukraine that covers 13,199 square miles (33,845 square kilometers). It includes the Gagauz Autonomous Region in the south and the disputed Transdniestrian region in the east. The latter region separated from Moldova in 1991–1992 but did not gain official recognition. The capital, Chişinău, is in the center of the country and has 740,000 inhabitants. Chişinău was first mentioned in 1436 and was the capital of the Russian province of Bessarabia in the nineteenth century.
Moldova is on a fertile plain with small areas of hill country in the center and north. Only 9 percent of its territory is covered by forest, mostly in the middle. In the northern part, fertile black soil prevails and the primary crop is sugar beet. In the central and southern zones, wine making and tobacco growing are widespread. The temperate continental climate in the center of the country, with long warm summers, relatively mild winters, and high rainfall, is favorable for agriculture. The semiarid Budjak steppe in the south has drought problems. The main rivers are the Dniestr in the east and the Prut in the west. Both originate in the Carpathians; whereas the Dniestr flows directly into the Black Sea, the Prut joins the Danube at the southern tip of the country.
Demography. Moldova has 4.32 million inhabitants. In the 1989 census, 64.5 percent of the population was Moldovan, 13.8 percent Ukrainian, 13 percent Russian, 3.5 percent Gagauz (a Christian Orthodox Turkic people), 2 percent Bulgarian, 1.5 percent Jewish, and 1.7 percent other nationalities, mainly Belarussians, Poles, Greeks, Germans, and Rom (Gypsies). Although the official number of Rom is only 11,600, the real number probably is 100,000. There are few concentrated Rom settlements in Moldova, and the degree of linguistic assimilation (Russian or Moldovan) is high. The Ukrainian population traditionally settled in the north and east. Gagauz and Bulgarians have concentrated settlements in the southern Budjak region. The Russian population, for the most part workers and professionals brought to Moldova after World War II, is concentrated in Chişinău, Bălţi, and the industrial zones of Transdniestria. Jews have lived in Moldovan cities in great numbers since the early nineteenth century, but many have left. Between 1990 and 1996, Moldova experienced a total migration loss of 105,000 persons. Jews, Ukrainians, and Russians were the most likely to leave. Consequently, the Moldovan portion of the population was believed to have increased to 67 percent by 1998. The population density is the highest in the territory of the former Soviet Union.
Linguistic Affiliation. As a written language, Moldovan is classified as being Romanian, a Daco-Romanian
Symbolism. The national symbols represent over six hundred years of history as well as a close connection to Romania. The state flag is composed of the traditional Romanian colors of blue, yellow, and red. In the center is the republic's seal, consisting of the Romanian eagle with the historical Moldovan seal on its breast. Since the fourteenth century, the seal has consisted of an ox's head with a star between its horns, a rose to the right, and a crescent to the left. The national anthem was the same as that of Romania in the early years of independence but was changed to "Our Language" ( Limba noastră ), which is also the name of the second most important secular holiday. Its name has a special integrating power in two respects: Language is the most important national symbol for Moldovans, and it evades the answer to the question of how this language should be labeled: Romanian or Moldovan. All these symbols, however, do not appeal to other ethnic groups and thus confine the idea of an "imagined community" to the titular nation.
In regard to the conflict over symbols between "Romanians" and "Moldovans," the ballad Mioriţa plays a crucial role. It tells the story of a Moldovan shepherd who is betrayed and murdered by two Romanian colleagues: For the Romanian side, this story is about an "incident in the family," while for the Moldovan side, it reproduces the distinction between the good, diligent, and peaceful Moldovan and the mean and criminal Romanian. Next to hospitality, diligence and peacefulness are the national characteristics Moldovans associate with themselves. When Moldovans want to show pride in their country, they refer mostly to the qualities of its wine and food and the beauty of its women. Wine is an especially powerful symbol, associated with quality, purity, and healing. The cellars of Cricova with their extensive collection of old wines are considered the state treasure. Moldovans are also eager to underscore their Latin heritage, expressed by the statue of a wolf feeding Romulus and Remus in front of the Museum of National History in Chiţinău.
History and Ethnic Relations
Emergence of the Nation. According to official historiography, the Republic of Moldova derives directly from the Moldovan principality that was founded by Dragoş and gained independence from the Hungarian kingdom under the Valachian voievod Bogdan I in 1359. The government thus celebrated the 640th anniversary of statehood in 1999. However, what is today the Republic of Moldova consists only of the central and eastern parts of the original principality. The Transdniestrian region was never part of the principality, but Moldovan colonists settled on the left bank of the Dniestr in the fifteenth century. At the beginning of the fifteenth century, the principality extended from the Carpathians to the Dniestr. Under Stephen the Great (1457–1504), who defended the principality successfully against the Ottoman Empire, Moldova flourished. Many churches and monasteries were built under his regency. Stephen is regarded as the main national hero of contemporary Moldova. His statue stands in the city center of Chişinău, the main boulevard is named for him, and his picture is printed on every banknote. However, soon after Stephen died, Moldova lost its independence and became, like the neighboring principality of Valachia, a vassal state of Constantinople.
In the Treaty of Bucharest of 1812, the Ottoman Empire was forced to cede the area between the Prut and the Dniestr to the Russian Empire under the name Bessarabia. In 1859, western Moldova and Valachia formed the united principality of Romania, which gained independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1878. Thus, the Moldovans in Bessarabia were excluded from the Romanian nation-building process and remained in an underdeveloped, remote, agricultural province of the Russian Empire. Only with the upheavals of the World War I and the October Revolution did the Moldovans of Bessarabia join the Romanian nation-state. The Moldovan parliament, the Sfatul Ţării, declared the independence of the "Democratic Republic of Moldova" on 24 January 1918 but then voted for union with Romania on 27 March 1918. The unification was mostly due to the desperate circumstances the young, unstable republic faced and was not applauded by all sections of the population. The following twenty-two years of Romanian rule are considered by many Moldovans and non-Moldovans as a period of colonization and exploitation. The subsequent period of Sovietization and Russification, however, is regarded as the darkest period in the national history. Stalin annexed Bessarabia in June 1940 and again in 1944, when the Soviet Union reconquered the area after temporary Romanian occupation. The northern and southern parts of Bessarabia were transferred to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), and in exchange the western part of what since 1924 had been the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist Republic on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR was given to the newly created Moldovan Socialist Soviet Republic. Having been ruled by foreign powers since the sixteenth century, Moldova declared its independence on 27 August 1991.
National Identity. After sentiments ran high in favor of unification with Romania at the beginning of the 1990s, the tide turned, and in a 1994 referendum 95 percent of the voters elected to retain independence. As a result of their close historical, linguistic, and cultural ties with Romania, many Moldovans see themselves as Romanian. At the same time, the one hundred eighty years of separation from Romania and the different influences Bessarabia has experienced since the early nineteenth century have preserved and reinforced a distinctive Moldovan identity east of the Prut. Unlike Romanians, a high percentage of Moldovans have an ethnically mixed family background. Consequently, probably less than 5 percent of the people consider themselves to have a pure Romanian identity, whereas another 5 to 10 percent would identify themselves as Moldovan in the sense of being outspokenly non-Romanian. The existence of these two groups is reflected in a fierce debate between "Unionists" and "Moldovanists." Most inhabitants of the titular nation consider their Moldovan identity as their central political one but their Romanian identity as culturally essential. Since discussions on unification with Romania have disappeared from the public agenda, the question of how to form a multi-ethnic nation-state is growing in importance.
Ethnic Relations. Bessarabia has always been a multiethnic region, and ethnic relations generally are considered good. Especially in the north, Moldovans and Ukrainians have lived together peacefully for centuries and share cultural features. In recent history, Moldova has rarely experienced ethnic violence; in April 1903, for example, 49 Jews were killed and several hundred injured during the Chişinău pogrom, but mainly by Russians rather than Moldovans. In the late 1980s, when support for the national movement began to grow, ethnic tension between Moldovans and non-Moldovans increased, initially in Transdniestria and Gagauzia and later in Chişinău and Bălţi. Whereas the conflict between Gagauz and Moldovans was kept below the level of large-scale violence, the Transdniestrian conflict escalated into a full-fledged civil war in spring 1992. More than a thousand people were said to have been killed, and over a hundred thousand had to leave their homes. Although this conflict had a strong ethnic component, it was not ethnic by nature; it was fought mainly between the new independence-minded political elite in Chişinău and conservative pro-Soviet forces in Tiraspol. Moldovans and non-Moldovans could be found on both sides. On the right bank of the Dniestr, where the majority of the Russian-speaking community lives, no violent clashes took place. Since the war, additional efforts have been made to include non-Moldovans in the nation-building process. The 1994 constitution and subsequent legislation safeguarded the rights of minorities, and in the same year broad autonomous powers were granted to the Gagauz.
Urbanism, Architecture, and the Use of Space
Chişinău's city center was constructed in the nineteenth century by Russians. Official buildings and those erected by the early bourgeoisie are in a neoclassical style of architecture; there are also many small one-story houses in the center, and the outskirts are dominated by typical Soviet-style residential buildings. Small towns (mainly enlarged villages) also have examples of Soviet-style administration buildings and apartment blocks. Depending on their original inhabitants, villages have typical Moldovan, Ukrainian, Gagauz, Bulgarian, or German houses and a Soviet-style infrastructure (cultural center, school, local council buildings). Houses have their own gardens and usually their own vineyards and are surrounded by low metal ornamented bars. Interaction differs in urban and rural areas. In the villages, people are open and greet passersby without prior acquaintance; in the cities, there is a greater anonymity, although people interact with strangers in certain situations, for example, on public transportation.
Food and Economy
Food in Daily Life. Mamaliga , a hard corn porridge, is regarded as the national dish. It is poured onto a flat surface in the shape of a big cake and is served mainly with cheese, sour cream, or milk. Non-Moldovan inhabitants joke that Moldovans would be unhappy if they could not eat mamaliga once a week. The main foods in daily life are a mixture of vegetables and meat (chicken, goose, duck, pork, and lamb), but the availability of vegetables depends on the season. Filled cabbage and grape leaves as well as soups such as zama and the Russian borsch also form part of daily meals. Plăcintă is a pastry filled mainly with cheese, potatoes, or cabbage that often is sold on the streets.
Buildings and a church line a street in Chisinau. The city architecture was mostly constructed by the Russians in the nineteenth century.
Food Customs at Ceremonial Occasions. Orthodox Christian baptisms, funerals, and weddings are accompanied by large gatherings where several meat and vegetable dishes, desserts, and cakes as well as wine are served. Homemade vodka and brandy also are offered. At Easter, a special bread, pasca , is baked in every household, and eggs are painted in various colors. Families go to the graveyard to celebrate their dead kin; they eat food at the graves while drinking wine and offering it to each other as they remember the dead.
Basic Economy. The national currency is the leu (100 bani ). Besides gypsum and very small gas and oil reserves, the country has no natural resources and is totally dependent on energy imports, mainly from Russia. Moldova has experienced a sharp downturn in its economy in the last ten years. In 1998, the gross domestic product (GDP) was 35 percent of the 1989 level, and the state is unable to pay pensions and salaries on time. As a result, more people produce food and other necessities for themselves now than in the 1980s. This includes virtually the entire rural population and many city dwellers who own small gardens in the countryside. The parallel economy is estimated to account for 20 to 40 percent of the GDP.
Land Tenure and Property. During the Soviet period, there was no private land, only state-owned collective farms. Since 1990, as part of the transition to a market economy, privatization of land as well as houses and apartments has taken place. However, the process is still under way and has faced fierce resistance from so-called agroindustrial complexes.
Commercial Activities. Moldova in general and Chişinău in particular have many traditional Balkan-style markets. There are mixed as well as specialized markets for food, flowers, spare parts, and construction materials. This "market economy" clearly outsells the regular shops. Besides foodstuffs, which are partially home-grown, all products are imported. These types of commercial activities are flourishing because of market liberalization and the economic downturn. Many educated specialists find it easier to earn money through commercial activities than by practicing their professions.
Major Industries. Industry is concentrated in the food-processing sector, wine making, and tobacco. Other fields include electronic equipment, machinery, textiles, and shoes. The small heavy industry sector includes a metallurgical plant in Transdniestria that produces high-quality steel.
Trade. The main trade partners are Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Romania, and Germany. Russia and other Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries accounted for 69 percent of exports and 58 percent of imports in 1998. Exports are mainly agroindustrial products (72 percent), especially wine, but also include shoes and textiles (12 percent). The main import goods are mineral products (31 percent), machinery and electronic equipment (19 percent), and chemical products (12 percent). To realign foreign trade away from Russia and toward Western European and other countries, Moldova has constructed an oil terminal on the Danube and is seeking closer economic ties with Romania and the European Union. It is expected to join the World Trade Organization.
Classes and Castes. Large landowners ( boyars ) disappeared after the establishment of Soviet power. There is an emergent class of high-ranking officials
A worker supervising bottling at a winery in Chisinau. Wine is a symbolic drink used to honor the host at a meal.
Symbols of Social Stratification. Newly built ornamented houses and villas, cars (especially Western cars with tinted windows), cellular telephones, and fashionable clothes are the most distinguishing symbols of wealth. Consumer goods brought from abroad (Turkey, Romania, Germany) function as status symbols in cities and rural areas.
Government. Moldova is a democratic and unitary republic. Since the territorial-administrative reform of 1999, it has been divided into ten districts ( judeţe ) and the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia. A special status is envisaged for the Transdniestrian region. The political system is mixed parliamentary-presidential, with the parliament (one hundred one representatives) and president both directly elected for a four-year period. The prime minister is appointed by the president only after the minister and his or her cabinet have received a vote of confidence from the parliamentary majority. The rights of the president to dissolve the parliament are very restricted. Some executive powers are vested in the president's hands: he or she can issue decrees and has special powers in defense and foreign policy. The delicate balance of power between parliament, government, and president is held to be responsible for the relatively high level of democracy as well as the blocking of important reform projects. Consequently, there have been discussions aimed at strengthening the powers of the president. Judicial powers are vested in the courts.
Leadership and Political Officials. Patrimonial structures and the Orthodox tradition of godfatherhood have strong political implications. Personal networks established over the years help people gain political posts, but such contacts also make them responsible for redistributing resources to the people who have backed them. Although kinship has a certain influence on these personal networks, relationships established in other ways during education and earlier work may be more important. Today's political forces have their roots either in the Moldovan Communist Party or in the national movement of the 1980s. The national movement started with the creation of the Alexe Mateevici Cultural Club in 1988 as an intellectual opposition group. In less than a year, it evolved into a broad mass movement known as the Popular Front of Moldova. Although the party system has experienced striking fluctuations in the last ten years, the main political forces have in essence remained the same. The Communist Party, whose place was taken temporarily by the Agrarian Democratic Party, is still one of the strongest political players. It has a mixed ethnic background and is backed mainly by the agroindustrial complexes. It is opposed to privatization and other reforms and strongly favors the idea of "Moldovanism." At the opposite end of the political spectrum are the Christian Democratic Popular Front and the Party of Democratic Forces. Both derive directly from the Moldovan national movement and have no former communists in their ranks. The Front favors unification with Romania and advocates liberal market reforms and democratization. The Party of Democratic Forces also favors stronger ties with Romania and the West but has abandoned the idea of unification; it too blends market reforms with social democratic ideas. The former president, Mircea Snegur (1992–1996), a previous Communist Party secretary and the "father" of Moldovan independence, has been joined in his Party for Rebirth and Reconciliation by other former communists who switched to the national movement early on. Petru Lucinschi, who was elected president in 1996, held high posts in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and has extensive, well-established connections among the social-democrat-oriented former political elite. Unlike Snegur, he and the parties associated with him are widely trusted by non-Moldovan voters. In Moldovan politics everybody knows each other and personal interests, sympathies, and antipathies as well as tactical reshuffles play an important role.
Social Problems and Control. The economic crisis resulted in an increase in poverty, theft, and petty and large-scale racketeering. Illegal cultivation of opium poppies and cannabis takes place on a limited basis, with both being trafficked to other CIS countries and Western Europe. In the villages, where people relate to one another in a less anonymous way, hearsay and gossip are effective tools of social control.
Military Activity. The army consists of 8,500 ground and air defense troops and has no tanks. As a landlocked country, Moldova has no navy, and after it sold nearly its entire fleet of MIG-29 fighters to the United States in 1997, it was left practically without an air force. The 1999 budget allocated only $5 million to defense spending, 2 percent of the total budget. The Republic of Moldova takes part in the NATO Partnership for Peace Program but has no plans to join either NATO or the CIS military structure. Although it is a neutral country and the constitution rules out the stationing of foreign military forces on Moldovan soil, Russian troops are still stationed in Transdniestria.
Social Welfare and Change Programs
A system of social security covering unemployment benefits, health care, and pensions for the elderly and the disabled as well as assistance for low-income families has been set up. However, the level of social benefits is very low, and they are not paid in time because of the socioeconomic crisis. National and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) aid orphans and street children.
Nongovernmental Organizations and Other Associations
Several international NGOs are active, especially in the fields of human rights and development. There are several local NGOs, most of which are small and inefficient. A Contact Center tries to coordinate the activities of the Moldovan NGO community. NGOs are frequently politically biased and get involved in political campaigns. Many NGO activists often see their organizations principally as vehicles for the pursuit of their own interests.
Gender Roles and Statuses
Division of Labor by Gender. Women in both urban and rural areas carry the burden of domestic duties and child care in addition to working outside the home. As a result of tradition and economic necessity, women engage in domestic food-processing activities in the summer to provide home-canned food for the winter months.
The Relative Status of Women and Men. Although men seemingly have more decision-making power in the public and private spheres, women act as the organizers of daily and ritual life. They organize social gatherings, gift-giving relations, and the infrastructure of numerous official and semiofficial events. There are no moral restrictions on women's participation in public life, although
Women at a market in Chisinau. Many Moldovan women work both inside and outside of the home.
Marriage, Family, and Kinship
Marriage. When a young couple decides to marry, it is not unusual for the girl to go to her boyfriend's house and stay there. The next day her parents are informed about this, and the families come together to agree on the marriage. It can take a couple of months before the civil and religious wedding ceremonies are held. Divorce is common, and many women have to earn a living on their own after being abandoned by their husbands without the marriage being officially dissolved.
Domestic Unit. Newlyweds usually live together with the groom's parents until they can build a house in the village or rent an apartment in town. In the villages, there is a general rule of ultimogeniture (the youngest son and his family live with the parents, and he inherits the contents of the household).
Inheritance. Inheritance is regulated by law. Children inherit equally from their parents, although males may inherit the house of their parents if they live in the same household.
Kin Groups. Relatives support each other in performing agricultural and other tasks as well as ceremonial obligations. The godparenthood system regulates the mutual obligations between the parties. Godparents are responsible for the children they baptize throughout life-cycle rituals, especially marriage and the building of a house. Godparenthood is inherited between generations; however, it is also common for this role to be negotiated independently of previous ties.
Infant Care. Babies are taken care of by their mothers and grandmothers. In villages, babies are wrapped in blankets during the very early months, and cloth diapers are used. Toddlers walk around freely, and their clothes are changed when they wet themselves.
Child Rearing and Education. Children generally grow up close to their grandparents, who teach them songs and fairy tales. Girls are expected to help their mothers from an early age and also take care of smaller siblings. A good child is expected to be God-fearing and shy and does not participate in adult conversations without being asked to do so.
Higher Education. A few universities remain from the Soviet period, together with about fifty technical and vocational schools. As a result of economic difficulties, people sometimes complete higher education in their late thirties, after establishing a family. The College of Wine Culture is a popular educational institution that offers high-quality training.
It is proper to drink at least a symbolic amount of wine during a meal or in a ritual context to honor the host and toast the health of the people present. Occasionally in villages, toasting with the left hand may not be regarded as proper. It is improper to blow one's nose at the table. Smoking in private homes is an uncommon practice; both hosts and guests usually go outside or onto the balcony to smoke. In villages, it is highly improper for women to smoke in public. People usually acknowledge passersby in the villages irrespective of previous acquaintance.
Workers at a ceramic factory in Marginea.
Religious Beliefs. The majority of the population, including non-Moldovans, are Orthodox Christians (about 98 percent). There are a small number of Uniates, Seventh-Day Adventists, Baptists, Pentecostalists, Armenian Apostolics, and Molokans. Jews have engaged in religious activities after independence with a newly opened synagogue and educational institutions.
Religious Practitioners. During the interwar period, Moldovans belonged to the Romanian Orthodox Church, but they now belong to the Russian Orthodox Church. There is an ongoing debate about returning to the Bucharest Patriarchate. Priests play an important role in the performance of ritual activities. In the villages, there are female healers who use Christian symbols and practices to treat the sick.
Rituals and Holy Places. The Orthodox calendar dictates rules and celebrations throughout the year, such as Christmas, Easter, and several saints' days. Some of the rules include fasting or avoiding meat and meat fat as well as restrictions on washing, bathing, and working at particular times. Baptisms, weddings, and funerals are the most important life-cycle rituals and are combined with church attendance and social gatherings. Easter is celebrated in the church and by visiting the graveyards of kin. Candles are an inseparable part of rituals; people buy candles when they enter the church and light them in front of the icons or during rituals.
Death and the Afterlife. The dead are dressed in their best clothes. Ideally, the corpse is watched over for three days and visited by relatives and friends. A mixture of cooked wheat and sugar called colivă is prepared and offered to the guests. If possible, the ninth, twentieth, and fortieth days; the third, sixth, and ninth months; and the year after the death are commemorated. However, this usually depends on the religiosity and financial resources of the people concerned. Graveyards are visited often, wine is poured on the graves, and food and colivă are distributed in memory of the dead.
Medicine and Health Care
Modern medicine is widely used. Health care is poor because of the state of the economy.
Major holidays include New Year's (1 January), Women's Day (8 March), Worker's Day (1 May), Victory Day (9 May), Independence Day (27 August),
Swimmers and sunbathers at a lake in Chisinau. The central portion of the country enjoys long, warm summers.
The Arts and Humanities
Support for the Arts. In the Soviet period, state funds provided workshops for painters and other artists, who were guaranteed a regular income. This practice has ceased, and funds for workshops and other financial support are very limited. However, artists have better opportunities to sell to foreigners and the new business elites. National and international sponsors provide more encouragement for artistic activity than does the state.
Literature. The most important work of early literature is the ballad Mioriţa . Oral literature and folklore were prevalent until the nineteenth century. This and the classical Moldovan literature of the nineteenth century can hardly be distinguished from Romanian literature. The greatest Romanian writer, Mihai Eminescu, was born in the western part of Moldova and is perceived by Moldovans as part of their national heritage. Other renowned Moldovan writers include Alexei Mateevici, the author of the poem " Limba noastră ;" the playwright Vasile Alecsandri; the novelist Ion Creangă and the historian Alexandru Hâjdeu. Ion Druţa, Nicolae Dabija, Leonida Lari, Dumitru Matcovschi, and Grigorie Vieru are regarded as the greatest contemporary writers and poets.
Graphic Arts. Besides the painted monasteries around Suceava (Romania), sixteenth-century icons are the oldest examples of Moldovan graphic arts. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the sculptor Alexandru Plămădeală and the architect A. Şciusev added their work to the heritage of Bessarabian arts. Bessarabian painters of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries concentrated on landscapes and rural themes as well as typical motifs of Soviet realism. Since the recent changes, however, young modern artists such as Valeriu Jabinski, Iuri Matei, Andrei Negur, and Gennadi Teciuc have demonstrated the potential and quality of Moldovan art.
Performance Arts. Folkloristic and classic music dominate, but Western music, especially jazz, is widely performed. The Soviet system helped popularize a systematic musical education, and people from all sections of society listen to and perform music of different styles. The opera singer Maria Bieşu, the folklore ensemble LauŢării , the folklore dance ensemble Joc , and the dance ensemble Codreanca have become famous outside the country. Folklore and classical concerts are relatively cheap and are attended by young and old people of different
Tobacco leaves hanging out to dry in a Moldovan village. Tobacco farming is one of the major industries.
The State of the Physical and Social Sciences
The Academy of Science was the traditional place for research in Soviet Moldova. In an agricultural country, particular stress was placed on agriculture-related sciences, and a special Agricultural University was established for the education of specialists and for research in that field. After the political transition, the State University was reorganized and private universities, focusing mainly on economic subjects, were established.
Aklaev, Airat R. "Dynamics of the Moldova-Trans-Dniestr-Conflict (late 1980s to early 1990s)." In Kumar Rupesinghe and Valery A. Tishkov, eds, Ethnicity and Power in the Contemporary World , 1996.
Batt, Jud. "Federalism versus Nationbuilding in Post-Communist State-Building: The Case of Moldova." Regional and Federal Studies 7 (3): 25–48, 1997.
Bruchis, Michael. One Step Back, Two Steps Forward: On the Language Policy of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the National Republics , 1982.
——. "The Language Policy of the CPSU and the Linguistic Situation in Moldova." Soviet Studies 36 (1): 108–26, 1984.
——. Nations-Nationalities-People: A Study of the Nationalities Policy of the Communist Party in Soviet Moldavia , 1984.
——. The Republic of Moldavia from the Collapse of the Soviet Empire to the Restoration of the Russian Empire , 1997.
——. Chinn, Jeff. "The Case of Transdniestr." In Lena Jonson and Clive Archer, eds., Peacekeeping and the Role of Russia , 1996.
——and Steve Ropers. "Ethnic Mobilization and Reactive Nationalism: The Case of Moldova." Nationalities Papers 23 (2): 291–325, 1995.
Crowther, William. "Ethnic Politics and the Post-Communist Transition in Moldova." Nationalities Papers 26 (1): 147–164, 1998.
——. "Moldova: Caught between Nation and Empire." In Ian Bremmer and Ray Tarasm, eds., New States, New Politics—Building the Post-Soviet Nations , 1997.
——. "The Construction of Moldovan National Consciousness." In Laszlo Kürti and Juliet Boulder Langman, eds., Beyond Borders: Remaking Cultural Identities in the New East and Central Europe , 1997.
——. "The Politics of Ethno-National Mobilization: Nationalism and Reform in Soviet Moldavia." Russian Review 50 (2): 183–202, 1991.
Dima, Nicholas. "Recent Ethno Demographic-Changes in Soviet Moldavia." East European Quarterly 25 (2): 167–178, 1991.
——. From Moldavia to Moldova , 1991.
——. "The Soviet Political Upheaval of the 1980s: The Case of Moldavia." Journal of Social Political and Economic Studies 16 (1): 39–58, 1991.
——. "Politics and Religion in Moldova: A Case-Study." Mankind Quarterly 34 (3): 175–194, 1994.
Dyer, Donald L., ed. Studies in Moldovan: The History, Culture, Language and Contemporary Politics of the People of Moldova , 1996.
——. "What Price Languages in Contact?: Is There Russian Language Influence on the Syntax of Moldovan?" Nationalities Papers 26 (1): 75–84, 1998.
Eyal, Jonathan. "Moldavians." In Graham Smith, ed., The Nationalities Question in the Soviet Union , 1990.
Feldman, Walter. "The Theoretical Basis for the Definition of Moldavian Nationality." In Ralph S. Clem, ed., The Soviet West: Interplay between Nationality and Social Organization , 1978.
"From Ethnopolitical Conflict to Inter-Ethnic Accord in Moldova." ECMI Report #1 , March 1998.
Grupp, Fred W. and Ellen Jones. "Modernisation and Ethnic Equalisation in the USSR." Soviet Studies 26 (2): 159–184, 1984.
Hamm, Michael F. "Kishinev: The Character and Development of a Tsarist Frontier Town." Nationalities Papers 26 (1): 19–37, 1998.
Helsinki Watch. Human Rights in Moldova: The Turbulent Dniester , 1993.
Ionescu, Dan. "Media in the Dniester Moldovan Republic: A Communist-Era Memento." Transitions 1 (19): 16–20, 1995.
Kaufman, Stuart J. "Spiraling to Ethnic War: Elites, Masses and Moscow in Moldova's Civil War." International Security 21 (2): 108–138, 1996.
King, Charles. "Eurasia Letter: Moldova with a Russian Face." Foreign Policy 97: 106–120, 1994.
——. "Moldova." In Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States , 1994.
——. "Moldovan Identity and the Politics of Pan-Romanianism." Slavic Review 53 (2): 345–368, 1994.
——. The Moldovans, Romania, Russia and the Politics of Culture , 2000.
——. Post-Soviet Moldova: A Borderland in Transition , 1995.
Kolstø, Pål. "The Dniestr Conflict: Between Irredentism and Separatism." Europe-Asia Studies 45 (6): 973–1000, 1993.
——. Andrei Malgin. "The Transnistrian Republic: A Case of Politicized Regionalism." Nationalities Papers 26 (1): 103–127, 1998.
Livezeanu, Irina. "Urbanization in a Low Key and Linguistic Change in Soviet Moldavia." Soviet Studies 33 (3): 327–351, 33 (4): 573–589, 1981.
Neukirch, Claus. "National Minorities in the Republic of Moldova—Some Lessons, Learned Some Not?" South East Europe Review for Labour and Social Affairs 2 (3): 45–64.
O'Loughlin, John, Vladimir Kolossov, and Andrei Tchepalyga. "National Construction, Territorial Separatism, and Post-Soviet Geopolitics in the Transdniester Moldovan Republic." Post-Soviet Soviet Geography and Economics 39 (6): 332–358, 1998.
Ozhiganov, Edward. "The Republic of Moldova: Transdniester and the 14th Army." In Alexei Arbatov, Abram Chayes, Antonia Handler Chayes, and Lara Olson, eds., Managing Conflict in the Former Soviet Union: Russian and American Perspectives , 1998.
Roach. A. "The Return of Dracula Romanian Struggle for Nationhood and Moldavian Folklore." History Today 38: 7–9, 1988.
Van Meurs, Wim P. "Carving a Moldavian Identity out of History." Nationalities Papers , 26 (1): 39–56, 1998.
——. The Bessarabian Question in Communist Historiography: Nationalist and Communist Politics and History-Writing , 1994.
Waters, Trevor. "On Crime and Corruption in the Republic of Moldova." Law Intensity Conflict and Law Enforcement 6 (2): 84–92, 1997.
—H ÜLYA D EMIRDIREK AND C LAUS N EUKIRCH
Also read article about Moldova from Wikipedia
" Federated States of Micronesia Monaco
I handed Dad his mug of tea, and settled into a chair across the kitchen table from him. “How are you feeling?”
“Not bad,” he rasped, with a shrug. The hood of his ratty gray sweatshirt shifted and settled, revealing the very tip of a zipper-line of stitches running up the left side of his neck. I looked away and hung my head over the mouth of my mug, letting the lemon-ginger steam waft up my nose.
We chatted in small bursts. My work, his recovery, the weather, the house. I could feel myself bubbling, waiting for the tap to turn on our usual flow of conversation. But he held himself back, since every word strained his aching throat.
I drained my mug of tea. “How about lunch?”
“Great idea!” He grinned. “Let’s ask your mom if she wants to join us.” He lifted his chin and croaked, “Bar-baraaaa?”
This was a familiar ritual, a groove gently worn from daily use throughout their thirty-year marriage. On any ordinary day, my father’s bellow would set the walls and windows ringing, and produce the desired effect: a sharp, slightly defensive “What?!” from my mother.
But this time, no response. He tried again, hoarser and barely louder. “Bar-baraaaa?”
Nothing. I could hear the chatter of computer keys from the office on the other side of the hall. Dad’s brows furrowed and his shoulders drew up. I could hear the sharp intonation of annoyance and confusion, even in the airy whisper that was all he could manage. “Bar-baraaaaaa?”
I burst out laughing. “Dad, she can’t hear you,” I said.
“Oh.” He sat back, and his brows relaxed. A slow, sheepish smile spread across his face. “I guess not.”
* * *
My father is a talker. He’s charming and persuasive, a man of many opinions and unafraid to express them at length and with an academic’s precision. He speaks in generalizations, in sound bites, in absolutes. Physically, too, he cuts an imposing figure: six feet four inches at his tallest, though he’s starting to shrink with age.
I grew up watching my dad take the reins of any conversation. He was already loud, and simply by ticking up the volume a notch or two he could bring all eyes around to him. It was a trick that worked in all kinds of circumstances, from hundred-person community meetings to intimate family dinners.
Conversations with my father always stuck to a familiar rhythm. It didn’t much matter the topic; everything always reminded him of an anecdote, a quote, a movie plot, a news story. That led to a long explanation, which led to a moral, always a moral. It’s the cadence of a frustrated professor, and we referred to particularly heated conversations as his “lectures.”
My mother and siblings and I would openly roll our eyes every time he started his script. “You know, when I was about your age…” “Did I ever tell you about the time…” “That reminds me — have you ever heard of…”
He didn’t mind — he could laugh at himself too — but he also wasn’t deterred. When he had a train of thought going, it was best to jump on or jump out of the way.
In our household, talking back was encouraged. “As long as it’s clever or deserved,” Dad would say. I could never resist the bait, and he and I would ping back and forth for hours, half-agreeing, half-arguing. But he had the upper hand in all of our conversations — he could simply raise his voice until I grew tired of shouting.
* * *
In 2011, Dad developed a cough — a tickling little thing that wouldn’t go away. I remember it starting in the winter and lasting through the spring, but he insists it wasn’t that long.
In May, he was scheduled for minor surgery. The surgeon noticed the cough and ordered a chest X-ray to check for infection. There was nothing out of the ordinary in his lungs, but the radiologist noticed an indistinct mass in his throat, nudging his windpipe out of place. Well, you’re going to be under anyway, the surgeon said. Might as well open up your throat and take a look.
“It’s thyroid cancer,” my mother said on the phone the afternoon of the surgery. “They closed him right back up when they saw it. He’ll need to go back in on Friday to get it all out.”
The next day, my father’s cell phone number flashed on my phone while I was at work. I picked up, fumbling the phone in my urgency.
“Hi, sweetie!” My father’s voice — or something like it — warbled through the speaker. The sound of him on the phone was a cold shock. His voice had been reduced to a Mickey Mouse falsetto. “Looks like the intubation irritated my throat a little,” he said. “Should go away in a few days.”
But in a few days, he was back on the operating table. It was the beginning of a two-year cycle of surgeries and radiation. Twice he had his chest cut open and advancing tumors carefully scooped out. It was the kind of procedure usually reserved for open-heart surgery patients; the hospital gave him heart-shaped pillows to hug when he stood up and sat down, so that he wouldn’t lean on his arms and pull out the stitches.
After each surgery, when we went to see him in the ICU, his voice would be reduced to that same post-surgery warble. After a week or two it would settle into an airy, crackling whisper, and stay there until the next surgery roughed up his throat again. At first, it was a slight shock whenever I spoke to him, hearing the richness and the melody drained from his voice. A paralyzed vocal cord, the doctors said. It might resolve itself. Maybe.
* * *
The surgeries came to an end. The radiation treatments ran their course. Dad was left with a few physical souvenirs: a long scar puckering up the side of his neck, a much grayer head of hair, and an apparently permanent case of laryngitis.
As he slowly climbed back to health, the loss of his voice seemed like a minor, if unfortunate, change. Compared to the full-body rush of relief when we learned he was out of the woods, this was a small price to pay.
That day in the kitchen, though, I realized there was something deeper going on. My father knew his voice was shot; he knew his roar had been reduced to a crackle. But it hadn’t occurred to him that its power had gone too. He had used his voice to get his way for so long that, when he no longer could, he didn’t know what to do.
When Dad was sufficiently recovered to dive back into work, he quickly got frustrated. “People can’t hear me anymore,” he said. “I can’t contribute to the discussion like I used to.” I declined to point out that “contribute” was perhaps the wrong word.
When his voice disappeared overnight, he found himself in a strange new position. He was so used to always being heard, and now had to learn for the first time how to enter a conversation without talking over it. Conversations around him acquired a new rhythm; I watched him stumble and fret as his companions raced right past him.
Part of me ached every time I saw him light up with an idea, then wilt as the opportunity passed. And yet I felt a little twinge of satisfaction too. He was finally feeling what it’s like to be talked over, ignored, silenced — something I, with my quieter feminine voice, had long learned to accept as a conversational price of admission.
One afternoon, well after the surgery scars had healed, I stopped by my parents’ house. They’d attended a film screening the previous night of a documentary film that had proved divisive among the activists in the audience. My father — uncharacteristically — had found the filmmakers’ extreme ideological stance off-putting. He’d felt the tension in the room as the film went on. “But I think people were too uncomfortable to complain,” he said. “I didn’t hear anyone say anything about it.”
“I did,” my mother said.
“When?” I recognized the sharp, skeptical shift in his tone.
“Afterward. A few people came up to me and shared the same concerns you had.”
“No, they didn’t.”
“Yes, they did. You weren’t there.”
“No, they didn’t.”
I could see the merry-go-round beginning to turn. “Dad, she just said people were talking about it.”
“Not to me.”
“That doesn’t mean it didn’t happen.”
“All I’m saying is, nobody spoke up about it!”
The three of us went around in circles, my mother’s voice rising in frustration until she was nearly crying. Suddenly, Dad stopped talking. He looked from one of us to the other. “I just noticed something,” he said. “You’re totally calm, and your mother is getting really upset.”
“Of course she is,” I said. “You’re telling her to her face that something she experienced, didn’t happen. What the hell did you expect?”
It was an outburst that, a few years earlier, would have sent him into an aria of self-justification. Instead, he absorbed what I’d said and sat back in his chair. “You’re right,” he said. “I’m sorry.” Then he motioned to my mom to finish her side of the story.
The adjustment happened slowly, over the course of months: Without the ability to jump in and redirect, my father was forced to sit on his hands. He had to listen for the patterns of other people’s speech, to wait for breaks in the conversation, little moments of silence where he could actually make himself heard.
“It’s amazing,” he kept saying. “I’ve actually had to learn how to listen.” By keeping a keener ear on the conversation, he could catch the thoughts of softer-spoken friends and colleagues. People he’d just blown right past before.
“I wonder how many of these folks are women,” I mused at one point. He looked a bit taken aback. “You know, I hadn’t thought of that,” he said.
* * *
It’s almost seven years since my father’s throat was cut open. With treatment and time, his voice has grown stronger, though it may never fully return.
As his voice has settled, I’ve noticed old patterns creeping back in. The muscle memory is hard to resist. He shouts across the house again. Sometimes it works, sometimes it doesn’t. He monologues, when he’s got the energy and a topic to seize on. He tries to bluster over my mother, to wave off my siblings and me.
But the rhythm is different. We can get words in edgewise now. The dance among us, encoded in muscle memory over the years, has begun incorporating new steps. When I contradict my father, he’s slower to respond; when he interrupts, I can hold him off. Sometimes — increasingly often, it seems — he nods and concedes.
“I have no complaints,” Dad says now. “I wouldn’t change a thing.”
It’s a grand statement, from a man given to them. But I take his point. When his voice disappeared, it cracked open a way of interacting — with colleagues, friends, even his own family — that he’d never considered before. And it made some of his most earnest, deeply held beliefs a bit less theoretical and more real. He learned what it was like to be silenced.
I grieved for my father’s voice when it went. There’s a part of me that misses the rumble, the richness, the songs and the bellows. But I’m learning a new side of my father, just as he’s learning it himself. And when he lost his voice, it gave me more room to hear my own.